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Language Programs > English Teaching Forum > Volume 31 > Number 1
Learner-Drives in Second-Language Acquisition
Christopher F. Green
It is often assumed that motivational aspects of
the second-language learning process are immutable
phenomena-either conferred benefits or irksome constraints for
the teacher. The general belief seems to be that students either
enter the learning process motivated to learn or they do not,
and that the consequences of this lottery have to be accepted
and accommodated.
In this brief and preliminary article aimed at teachers of
General English working with students at all post-primary
levels, I want to suggest that learner motivation is actually in
a constant state of flux brought about by a concatenation of
developmental, personality, and attitudinal factors. This point
alone means that the area is one of limitless richness and
complexity. However, although motivation is a deeply personal
impulse, it is possible to identify levels of motivation under
which individualistic factors are largely subsumed. This is
fortunate in that it enables us to discuss an essentially
subjective topic in more general terms, and so identify ways in
which pedagogic planning can take aspects of learner motivation
into account.
Three main levels of motivation are readily identifiable.
These are displayed below with their various definitions and
drives. Needless to say, the levels are in constant parallel
interaction.
|
LEVELS OF MOTIVATION
Holistic
|
Definition: |
the individual as organism seeking to realize
its fullest potentialities: physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual |
Drive: |
Egocentric |
|
CULTURAL-LINGUISTIC
|
Definition: |
the individual as user of non-native
languages in relation to others within and across cultures
|
Drives: |
Instrumental and Integrative |
|
COGNITIVE-LINGUISTIC
|
Definition: |
the individual in formal language-learning
situations
|
Drives: |
Security and progress
Involvement in the learning programme
Cognitive engagement
Incentive to sustain impetus
Perception of language unity |
HOLISM: THE WHOLE STUDENT APPROACH
Abraham Maslow’s pioneering work (1954) in presenting a
unified hierarchy of individual needs that naturally motivate
human behaviour was influential in Western education systems in
the 1960s and early 1970s. Maslow’s hierarchy is constructed
on the essentially Western notion that maximal ego-centred
development is the goal of every individual. The hierarchy
represents the individual’s progress in meeting needs and
wants that range from the purely physiological to the highly
creative, from survival to self-actualisation.
This explicit description of what is entailed in the process
of “becoming whole” has helped teachers to perceive learners
as constantly striving individuals, since at each level of
attainment a new need is created, defined, and potentially
limited to some extent by the degree of success achieved at the
previous level. The developing and enquiring individual, then,
is constantly in a state of what might be termed necessary and
beneficial disequilibrium. I believe that the concept of learner
disequilibrium has profound implications for teacher behaviour;
these are elaborated as the discussion develops.
Maslow’s work, however, is of limited direct relevance to
the language teacher; he makes no reference to the position a
second language might occupy on the hierarchy of needs. Despite
this we can guess with some confidence that the position is
likely to depend heavily on the cultural and occupational
context in which the individual finds himself. Maslow does,
however, provide an important global, if semi-deterministic,
view of the individual as a striving organism, a view that may
help the teacher to be more aware of the student in whole-person
terms rather than simply in his or her studial capacity.
THE CULTURAL-LINGUISTIC DIMENSION
At the level of the individual within and across cultures,
the motivation to learn a foreign or second language has tended
to be stated in dichotomous, either-or terms; that is, a learner
is driven by either instrumental or integrative motivation
(Gardner 1968 and 1979). Instrumental motivation is engendered
and sustained by extrinsic forces such as job getting, promotion
enhancement, or passing examinations, while the integrative type
is generated intrinsically by positive perceptions of the
target-language culture and its peoples. Gardner himself has
stated unequivocally that integrative motivation provides the
strongest, deepest, and most lasting drive to learn the target
language. Perhaps the most important feature to note about
learners motivated by instrumental ends is that they may take a
dangerously short-term view of learning, resulting in
fossilisation of key aspects of the target-language system and
their communicative use. As Stevick noted (1982): “Apparently
people acquire as much of a language as they really need for
what they really want, but only that much.”
It is, nevertheless, surprising that the categories of
instrumental and integrative motivation have been accepted as
canons of linguistic law, since this dichotomy, like any other
dichotomy, may be a useful contrasting device but can hardly
hope to account accurately for the actual operations of such a
multifaceted, elusive quality as motivation. Gardner’s
research data originated from the bilingual situation in
Montreal, and the close- proximity nature of this environment
may have produced too strong an emphasis on integrative
motivation for wider applicability. Porter Ladousse (1982) seems
to support the notion that the integrative variety has little
relevance other than to close-proximity environments.
In fact, the social context in which the second-language
learning takes place may well be a very powerful constraint on
the development of that language, in that the context provides
the parameters of intranational identity and solidarity. It is
clear, taking Hong Kong as an example, that close-proximity
bilingual environments do not necessarily engender
integrationist tendencies. Luke and Richards (1982) present a
convincing case for regarding Hong Kong as essentially
separatist in sociocultural terms, while Pierson and Fu’s
(1982) findings point up an important linguistic consequence of
this duality-that is, Hong Kong people’s negative perceptions
of other local people who speak English in situations where the
use of Chinese would be natural.
In sharp contrast to all this is the fact that in Hong Kong
the level of instrumental motivation to learn English runs very
high. Perceptions of English as low in status but high in
utility set up a strong contradiction in the learner. He or she
needs English to achieve success in terms of education and
occupation, but at the same time the majority of Hong Kong
people have strongly anti-integrationist tendencies. This
attitude is manifested linguistically in the very high levels of
virtually intractable fossilisation found in the English of many
Hong Kong learners and users of English.
This kind of low affective drive is common to many contexts
in which English is a foreign, rather than a second, language.
There is, of course, little the teacher can do to change
cultural-linguistic constraints speedily, although, as will be
described later, these may be modified to some extent.
Incidentally, it is interesting to note in passing that, in
sharp contrast to English, French and Japanese in Hong Kong
appear to enjoy high status but have relatively restricted
utility at present. These positive perceptions are, perhaps, the
result of admiration for particular facets of French and
Japanese cultural-economic life: style and economic success,
respectively.
The strongest strain of integrative motivation-drawing closer
to or actually integrating into the target-language
culture-seems, then, to be generally untenable. It is certainly
difficult to conceive of a degree of own-culture alienation so
great, or target-culture attraction so overwhelming, that an
individual would wish to disown his own context of development
completely, although some isolated instances of this do, of
course, exist.
It is rather more likely, as indicated above, that specific
features of the target-language culture may be admired or
particularly valued by learners. Flavell (1984), for example,
reported on the very considerable number of young Brazilian
adults learning English to understand and possibly perform
Anglo-American pop music. This particularist and narrowly
focussed motivation is actually a very positive, and potentially
expandable, phenomenon and once again indicates that, in
reality, there is probably no sharp distinction to be made
between instrumental and integrative modes of motivation.
Interestingly, Burstall (1975) found that the two motivational
drives by no means stand in mutual exclusion or contradiction,
and that non-threatening and successful learning experiences
develop positive attitudes to the target language, its people
and culture that were not present at the start of the learning
programme.
For the teacher this realisation is a crucial breakthrough
because it promises a way in which positive attitudinal and
instrumental drives might be linked to achieve optimal learning
through combining extrinsic and intrinsic elements of
motivation. In this way it might be possible to take the learner
from limited perceived target-language needs to a positive
desire to learn more about a culture through its language and so
continually progress in the acquisition of the target language.
This is not to say that the learner is likely to become
integrationist in any strong sense, but low affective drive and
the resulting high level of fossilisation might be prevented.
I want to suggest, then, that integrative motivation might
best be redefined as a force potential in any environment
conducive to second-language acquisition, while acknowledging
that it could equally well be viewed in universal, nonlinguistic
terms as the drive for acceptance and security to bring a sense
of belonging to a particular community.
THE COGNITIVE-ACADEMIC DIMENSION
I use the term cognitive-academic to refer to the level of
the individual in formal learning situations. This is naturally
the level at which teachers are most directly concerned with
questions of student motivation. Burstall’s findings (1975)
strike an intuitive and positive chord for many teachers: that
no matter how poorly motivated a learner may appear to be, the
aware and sensitive teacher can actively develop strategies to
generate, harness, and sustain a motivational dynamic not
entirely directed towards instrumental ends. I want to propose
an integrated five-point plan, one that as presented is not very
elaborate but which should provide a practical framework for the
enhancement of motivation in the second-language classroom.
Security and progress
My first point relates to the need for the teacher to create
a low-anxiety atmosphere in the classroom and, at the same time,
provide learners with a sense of making progress within the
learning programme. This is of particular importance for
learners with potentially inhibiting sociocultural backgrounds
or personality types. Although there is little direct action the
teacher can take to influence these factors, it is worth noting
in passing that Pickett (1978) offers a description of the ideal
background of a second-language learner, some features of which
are: secure but nonrestrictive early rearing, no binding
identification with a particular socioeconomic class, and no
confining membership of an exclusive, monodialectal regional
grouping. The good language learner, then, is open-minded and
accepts cultural and linguistic variation with good grace and
humour.
Krashen (1981) has absorbed the basic personality types of
introvert and extrovert into his model of second-language
acquisition, claiming that extroverts are more likely, because
of their lack of inhibition, to communicate more effectively in
the early stages of the second-language programme than their
self-repressing introverted classmates. It is displayed
schematically below:
Learner |
Speaking
|
Rules
| Personality
|
monitor
overuser |
- |
+ |
introverted |
monitor
underuser |
+ |
- |
extroverted |
More importantly, perhaps, Krashen has also emphasised the
need to allow for a relatively silent, receptive period early in
the second-language acquisition process. Part of the reason for
this is to lower the affective barrier erected by many learners
when presented with a form of learning that threatens individual
identity. Allowing for an appropriate lag between reception and
production of language has become one of the bedrock principles
of communicative approaches to language teaching and, in the
sense that this has reduced the use of audiolingual techniques
demanding immediate oral responses, has proved to be reasonably
successful in dismantling affective barriers. However,
comprehensible input from the teacher and reception-based work
for the student does not provide enough momentum to keep the
learner optimally motivated. Output, and consequent feedback,
are the means by which a learner becomes acquainted with his
level of success. Successful learning experiences will tend to
engender the desire for more success. It is in this way that the
individual’s resolution to progress is strengthened.
The problem is that in large teacher-centred classes,
students have little opportunity to deliver enough output to be
judged fairly or receive constructive feedback to enhance
feelings of security and success. Teachers, then, need to build
approaches into the programme that do allow for substantial and
significant output without threatening the learner with early
and forced public production. Project and theme work, and
activities utilising interactive techniques including the
interactive noticeboard, intra- and inter-school English Days
and visits, and the electronic mail system are clearly most
likely to facilitate this. Swain (1990) describes the need for
the teacher to “plan for opportunities for sustained language
use by students where they are motivated to express faithfully
and precisely their thought, and are provided with useful and
consistent feedback.”
Comprehensible input from the teacher is of little use if
students, through lack of language practice and use, are able
only to produce virtually incomprehensible output, or at least
language so marked by gross error that it has little
international viability.
Substantial practice and feedback is not only essential to
sustain motivation, but also to prevent fossilisation of
erroneous target-language forms. The fossilisation potential of
strongly communicative language-learning programmes has long
been recognised. Canale and Swain (1979) acknowledge that a
certain level of grammatical competence must be reached before
strategic, communicative, and discourse competencies are able to
play their vitally important roles in language use-that “what
can be said determines what can be meant.” More recently,
Major (1988) linked the effects of fossilised language to
studies investigating perceptions of the relative gravity of
errors and concluded:
There is a significant difference between a listener who merely understood
the [inaccurately formulated] message and was unaffected, one that
understood but was annoyed in the process, and one who understood
and was sympathetic. In all three situations the basic message may
be the same, but the total meaning and impact are different.
Providing opportunities for increased practice could be
facilitated by the use of self-directed (self-access) learning
materials, particularly for listening, reading, and writing.
After all, the ultimate objective of self-access systems is
maximum individualisation of learning. This personalisation of
the learning process must enhance motivation, provided regular
review sessions with teachers and peers are built into the
programme to maintain internal dynamism and counterbalance the
social isolation inherent in self-access systems. For speaking,
I would advocate regular recording, promptly followed by
monitoring (with the teacher) of speech samples for the learner
to detect progress and repair problems effectively.
Involvement in the learning programme
The learner needs to be able to perceive that there are real
purposes and benefits to be derived from learning a second
language and that the learning programme is appropriately
focussed and internally dynamic. Only through such perceptions
are learners likely to feel involved fully in the learning
process.
It is rather surprising, then, that although teachers may
well know what they are doing, why they are doing it, and where
they are going, the students usually do not. It is a truism that
school-level students remain largely unaware of the reasoning
and goals, other than examination-passing, underlying the
second-language learning programme. The learners are left bereft
of a purpose to learn and of the directions that learning will
take. The fact that the learners in question are often
relatively young is no reason for keeping them unenlightened.
To promote participative learning, I suggest that the teacher
could interview, possibly in the mother tongue, at least a
representative cross-section of students before the start of the
learning programme to gauge the approximate nature and range of
learner interests. These interests could then be fed into the
programme as projects, topics, or themes. The programme might
then be perceived as taking account of student needs and wants.
This kind of activity on the part of the teacher must have
beneficial effects in generating and sustaining learner
motivation.
The suggestion here implies a move towards more learner-centred
(almost client-centred) approaches to teaching. A co-occurring
de-emphasising of prescribed study areas and of the set textbook
in favour of relevant tasks and activities located or created by
individual teachers is also implied. I am not, of course,
suggesting a radical and sudden change to a negotiated
procedural syllabus, but a limited number of student suggestions
could be easily accommodated within most school-based learning
programmes.
Keeping the learner informed in order to keep him motivated
does not stop at this point. It needs to be seen as a continuous
process. For example, a student version of both medium- and
longer-term teaching plans could be produced and referred to at
regular intervals to let students see clearly just where they
are, what is to be tackled next, and why.
The teacher might also consider spending a few minutes at the
beginning of each lesson (or just the first of the week’s
lessons if time is very short) sketching a very brief overview
of the lesson or lessons on the board. Time elements might be
included if this is felt to be useful. Again, this would allow
students to see the direction of their learning and may well
enhance motivation to achieve clear-cut ends within a certain
time scale. To communicate these details effectively, the
teacher will need to conceive and phrase lesson objectives in
terms of learner behaviour-an empathetic process in itself.
Involving the learner in the global teaching and learning
process is of the greatest possible importance, since language,
as a subject per se, is rarely enough to motivate learners to
any significant extent. It is not surprising, for instance, that
Munby (reported in Porter Ladousse) recorded a drastic decrease
in motivation among African students when English was introduced
as a subject rather than being used as the medium of instruction
for the delivery of science subjects, a genuinely
communicational use of the target language.
Cognitive engagement
There is no such thing as a learner completely uninterested
in each and every aspect of learning a second language. An
interest (in the sense of psychological arousal) will exist,
albeit slight and covert, as a natural consequence of exposure
to the language and aspects of its culture. The teacher’s task
is to bring this level of arousal to maximum pitch. This all
seems obvious enough, but it is sometimes forgotten in the
teaching process. Arousal will not be maximally effected, for
example, by the provision of a very brief “motivation”
section early in the lesson in which pictures or realia might be
used to stimulate interest in the whole lesson. This kind of
procedure reflects a clear use of Stimulus-Response models of
learning based on relatively unrefined behaviourist psychology.
Motivation is regarded here as a short-range force designed to
operate over the span of the single lesson as a necessary
condition for the achievement of prescribed, and equally
short-range, behavioural objectives. Such procedures keep the
content of the learning process distant from the learner and
make little allowance for engaging his active cognitive
participation in the process. Cognitive engagement in the
learning process must be seen as inextricably linked to
motivation. Ausubel (1968) expressed this concisely:
The most appropriate way of arousing motivation to learn is
to focus on the cognitive rather than the motivational aspects
of learning, and to rely on the motivation that is developed
from successful educational achievement to energise further
learning.
Learner curiosity is perhaps best aroused by using the appeal
of those aspects of the target language that meet the
developmental interests of a particular group of learners.
Staging the lesson, or activities within it, so that pre, while,
and post phases occur should help to maximise motivation to
learn through engaging learners in a primarily cognitive
process: the pre stage to utilise existing knowledge on the
topic of study and raise expectations, the while stage to
provide a purposeful means of confirming or disconfirming those
expectations and to provide guidance in processing input, the
post stage to build on what has been learned and provide a sense
of completion to the whole process. Clearly, the use of tasks
and activities based on the principles of problem-solving are
likely to be most effective in engaging the learner’s
cognitive machinery fully.
Channels of exposure to the target language and its peoples
and culture are, of course, important in maximising the
cognitive engagement of the learner and in maintaining the
beneficial disequilibrium required to keep the learner wanting
to learn more. Authentic print and video materials provide the
best channels of exposure, since they naturally embody aspects
of the target-language culture. The corollary of this applies,
too: that learners are made much more aware of their own culture
by learning about foreign ones. It hardly needs to be reiterated
that even this kind of exposure will fail if the topic presented
is not made interesting and appropriate for the developmental
level of particular learners.
Incentive to sustain impetus
The long-term and comparatively urgency-free nature of many
general-purpose language courses is a major hindrance to the
maintenance of genuine, enquiry-driven momentum in the
classroom. For this reason, there is a need for the teacher to
build into teaching plans and schemes of work a set of learning
aims or targets to connect and relate particular lesson
objectives. Single-lesson behavioural objectives are aimed at
mastery of certain items of language within a set time frame.
While a sense of having mastered particular items of language is
of some importance-the learner can claim linguistic payoffs at
regular intervals-this is not as important as encouraging the
learner to regard mastered objectives as simply part of a larger
and more purposeful set of targets that is always proximal and
in view (targets must not be dishearteningly difficult or
insultingly easy to attain) but which is never completely
achieved. In this way one of the major outcomes of all
educational initiatives might be achieved: the development of
the efficient, independent, self- directed learner competent in
organising his own learning long after programmes of formal
instruction have ceased.
This kind of broad programmatic planning implies a move away
from behaviouristic teaching approaches and techniques. Pre-set
targets simply provide a structured and secure frame for
demonstrating implicitly the continuing, long-term nature of
learning, while lesson objectives offer shorter-term points of
reference against which the students may evaluate their progress
in a positive light. In keeping with Burstall’s findings, this
should help to ensure positive perceptions of target-language
phenomena and help sustain the learning process. Learning
targets harness learner disequilibrium in a positive way by
sustaining the desire to learn more, even when set objectives
appear to have been achieved.
Perception of language unity
In the present context, unity relates to the need for
learners to grasp that each language item studied, each area of
language use covered, is a successful step towards achieving
higher and ever more enriching ends. The clear implication for
the teacher here is not simply to teach, practise, test, and
abandon language items, but to constantly recycle them-for
example, in the guise of problem-solving tasks that offer
use-based and integrated combinatorial practice. Learning thus
becomes a spiralling rather than a linear process. The point
here clearly is that integration of language parts and of
language and its uses is best fostered by a holistic syllabus
and its derived methodology, rather than a synthetic approach in
which language items are taught discretely, requiring the
learner to reintegrate these items as a prior condition to their
communicative use. As most teachers know only too well,
overproduction of the discrete items is a far more likely
consequence of the synthetic approach than integration.
I would contend that the teaching and learning programme
centred largely on problem-solving and task-based approaches to
using language is the most likely to engage the learner’s
cognitive machinery in an active, participatory way. Pedagogic
lesson objectives may be thought out and phrased in a variety of
ways-lexicostructural, functional, notional, or a combination of
these-but real-world application and use is what most learners
are interested in, and this needs to be taken into account by
the teacher. The problem is that many school-level learners
often cannot envisage such real-world applications. Product-focussed
objectives will then become less important than process-oriented
ones that are based rather more on classroom tasks and
activities than on learning outcomes or products. This, of
course, with the proviso that students receive enough feedback
on the degree of cognitive and linguistic success achieved in
the particular task.
AFTERWORD
This article has taken a broad, generalised, and, I hope,
balanced view of motivation. This is necessary if anything at
all meaningful is to be recommended to teachers who, in many
international contexts, are constrained by large classes and
pedagogic traditions of teacher-centred approaches to learning.
For this reason individualistic factors, for example, have been
de-emphasised in the foregoing discussion. That said, no matter
how comprehensive and successful the teacher’s
motivation-enhancement plans, certain students will, of course,
travel further along the learning continuum than others. The
degree of success must to some extent be determined by
uncontrollable cultural, individualistic, and socioeconomic
factors. The teacher can, nevertheless, help to provide the
impetus for the learner to achieve all that he or she is capable
of achieving in this particular field of intellectual endeavour.
References
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view. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Burstall, C. 1975. Factors affecting foreign- language
learning: A consideration of some recent research findings.
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Canale, M. and M. Swain. 1979. Communicative approaches to
second language teaching and testing. Review and Evaluation
Bulletin, 1, 5.
Flavell, R. 1984. Aspects of motivation in second language
learning. Paper read at the Second Colloquium of the E.S.O.L.
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Gardner, R. C. 1968. Attitudes and motivation: Their role in
second-language acquisition. TESOL Quarterly, 2, 3.
---. 1979. Social psychology aspects of second-language
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